Catalan phonology

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The phonology of Catalan, a Romance language, has a certain degree of dialectal variation. Although there are two main dialects, one based on Eastern Catalan and one based on Valencian, this article deals with features of all or most dialects as well as regional pronunciation differences. Various studies have focused on different Catalan varieties; for example, Wheeler (1979) and Mascaró (1976) analyze Central Eastern varieties—the former focusing on the educated speech of Barcelona and the latter focusing more on the vernacular of Barcelona— and Recasens (1986) does a careful phonetic study of Central Eastern Catalan.[1][2]

Catalan shares features with neighboring Romance languages (Italian, Sardinian, Occitan, Spanish).[3]

Contents

Consonants

Catalan consonants[4]
  Bilabial Labio-
dental
Dental Alveolar Palatal Velar
Nasal m n ɲ ŋ
Plosive voiceless p t (c) ~ k
voiced b d (ɟ) ~ g
Affricate voiceless (ts) (tɕ)
voiced (dz) (dʑ)
Fricative voiceless   f s ɕ
voiced (v) z ʑ
Trill   r  
Tap ɾ
Approximant j w
Lateral l ʎ

Phonetic notes: /t/ and /d/ are denti-alveolar, having both dental and alveolar contact with the tongue. /n/, /l/, and /ɾ/ are "front alveolar;" /s/ and /r/ are "back alveolar" (or postalveolar); /ʎ/ and /ɲ/ are "front alveolo-palatal"; and /ɕ/, /ʑ/, /tɕ/ and /dʑ/ are "back alveolo-palatal."[5]

Plosives: Voiced plosives become lenited (that is, fricatives or approximants of the same place of articulation) "only in syllable onsets, after continuants."[6] Exceptions include /d/ after lateral consonants and /b/ after /f/: ull de bou [uʎ də ˈβɔw] ('round window'); bolígraf boníssim [buˈliɣɾəv buˈnisim] ('excellent ballpoint'). In the coda position, these sounds are always realized as plosives[7] except in Valencian, where they are lenited.[8]

/b/ and /g/ may be geminated in certain environments (poble [ˈpɔbblə] 'village').[9]

In Majorcan varieties, /k/ and /g/ become [c] and [ɟ] word-finally and before front vowels;[10] in some of these dialects, this has extended to all environments except before liquids and back vowels [ˈbanʲc] ('bench').[11]

Affricates: The phonemic status of affricates is dubious; after other consonants, affricates are in free variation with fricatives, e.g. clenxa [ˈklɛnʲtɕə] ~ [ˈklɛnʲɕə] ('hair parting')[12] and may be analyzed as either single phonemes or clusters of a stop and a fricative.

There is dialectal variation in regards to affricate length, with long affricates occurring in both Eastern and Western dialects such as in Majorca and specific Northern and Southern Valencian areas and short affricates being otherwise widespread throughout Valencia.[21] Also, intervocalic affricates are predominately long, especially those that are voiced or occurring immediately after a stressed syllable (fletxa [ˈflet.tɕə] 'arrow').[22]

Fricatives: /v/ only occurs in Balearic[23] and southern Valencian as well as northern Valencian and southern Catalonia. Everywhere else, it has merged with /b/.[24] In Majorcan, [v] and [w] are in complementary distribution, with [v] occurring before vowels (e.g. blava [ˈblavə] 'blue' fem. vs blau [blaw] 'blue' masc.). In other varieties that have both sounds, they are in contrast before vowels, with neutralization in favor of [w] before consonants.[25]

In Valencian, /s/ and /ɕ/ are auditorily similar such that neutralization may occur in the future.[26] In Northern Valencian, /ɕ/ is depalatalized to [jsʲ] or [js] as in caixa [ˈkajsə] ('box'), Central Valencian words like mig ('half') and leig have been transcribed with [ts] rather than [tɕ], and Southern Valencian /tɕ/ "has been reported to undergo depalatalization without merging with [ts]" as in baixar ('to go down').[27]

Sonorants: While "dark" (velarized) [ɫ] may be a positional allophone of /l/ in most dialects (such as in the syllable coda[28]), /l/ is dark irrespective of position in Eastern dialects like Majorcan.[29]

In careful speech, /n/, /m/, and /l/ may be geminated (e.g. innecessari [innəsəˈsaɾi] 'unnecessary'; immens [imˈmɛns] 'huge'; il·lusió [iɫɫuˈzio] 'illusion'). A geminated /ʎʎ/ may also occur (e.g. espatlla [əsˈpaʎʎə] 'shoulder'). [30]

Vowels

Vowels of Standard Eastern Catalan, from Carbonell & Llisterri (1999:62)

Catalan possesses seven vowel phonemes (see chart at right). In unstressed syllables, /e/, /ɛ/, and /a/ are reduced to [ə] while /o/ and /ɔ/ are reduced to [u]. In Western Catalan dialects, [e], [o], and [a] may appear in unstressed syllables as well.[31]

In Majorcan, [ə] appears in stressed position.[32]

There are also a number of phonetic diphthongs, all of which begin (rising diphthongs) or end (falling diphthongs) in [j] or [w]:[33]

[ej] rei 'king' [ɛw] peu 'foot'
[uj] avui 'today' [ow] pou 'well'
[ja] iaia 'grandma' [wa] quatre 'four'
[jɛ] veiem 'we see' [wə] aigua 'water'

Catalan also possesses two sets of diphthongs in variation; [wi] varies with [uj] (as in afluixar [aflujˈɕa~aflwiˈɕa] 'to loosen') and [iw] with [ju].[34]

Processes

There are certain instances of compensatory diphthongization in Majorcan so that /ˈtroncs/ ('logs') (in addition to deleting the palatal plosive) develops a compensating palatal glide and surfaces as [ˈtrojns] (and contrasts with the unpluralized [ˈtronʲc]). Diphthongization compensates for the loss of the palatal stop (segment loss compensation). There are other cases where diphthongization compensates for the loss of point of articulation features (property loss compensation) as in [ˈaɲ] ('year') vs [ˈajns] ('years').[35]

The dialectal distribution of compensatory diphthongization is almost entirely dependent on the dorsal plosive (/k~c/) and the extent of consonant assimilation (whether or not it's extended to palatals).[36]

Voiced affricates are devoiced after stressed vowels in dialects like Eastern Catalan where there may be a correlation between devoicing and lengthening (Gemination) of voiced affricates: metge ('doctor') /ˈmeddʑə/[ˈmettɕə].[37] In Barcelona, voiced plosives may be geminated and devoiced (poble [ˈpɔppɫə] 'village').[38]

Prosody

Stress

Stress most often occurs on any of the last three syllables of a word. Compound words and adverbs formed with |ˈment| may have more than one stressed syllable (e.g. parallamps [ˌpaɾəˈʎams] 'lightning conductor'; bonament [ˌbɔnəˈmen] 'willingly') but every lexical word has just one stressed syllable.[39]

Phonotactics

Any consonant, as well as [j] and [w] may be an onset. Clusters may consist of a consonant plus a semivowel (C[j], C[w]) or an obstruent plus a liquid. Some speakers may have one of these obstruent-plus-liquid clusters preceding a semivowel, e.g. síndria [ˈsin.dɾjə] ('watermelon'); for other speakers, this is pronounced as [ˈsin.dɾi.ə] (i.e. the semivowel must be syllabic in this context).[40]

Word-medial codas are restricted to one consonant + [s] (extra [ˈɛks.tɾə]).[41] In the coda position, voice contrasts among obstruents are neutralized.[42] Although there are exceptions (such as futur [fuˈtuɾ] 'future'), syllable-final /ɾ/ is often lost before a word boundary or before the plural morpheme of most words: color [kuˈɫo] ('color') vs. coloraina [kuluˈɾajnə].[43]

In Catalan, obstruents fail to surface word-finally when preceded by a homorganic consonant (e.g. /nt/ → [n]). Complex codas simplify only if the loss of the segment doesn’t result in the loss of place specification.[44]

Suffixation examples[45]
Final Internal Gloss
no cluster [ˈkam] [kəmˈpɛt] 'field'
[ˈpun] [punˈtɛt] 'point'
[ˈbaŋ] [bəŋˈkɛt] 'bank'
[məˈlal] [mələlˈtɛt] 'ill, sick'
[ˈɔr] [urˈtɛt] 'orchard'
[ˈgus] [gusˈtɛt] 'taste'
cluster [ˈserp] [sərˈpɛt] 'snake'
[ˈdisk] [disˈkɛt] 'disk'
[ˈmɔɫk] n/a 'I grind'

When the dimunitive [ˈɛt] is added to [ˈkam] it makes [kəmˈpɛt], which makes it seem as though the underlying representation is |ˈkamp| (with subsequent cluster simplification), however when the copula [ˈes] is added it makes [ˈkəmˈes]. The resulting generalization is that this underlying /p/ will only surface in a morphologically complex word.[46]

Word-final fricatives (except /f/) are voiced before a following vowel, e.g. bus enorme [ˈbuz əˈnormə] ('huge diver').[47] In Majorcan and Minorcan Catalan, /f/ undergoes total assimilation to a following consonant (just as stops do): buf gros [ˈbug ˈgɾɔs] ('large puff').[48]

Dialectal variation

Dialectal Map of Catalan from Wheeler, Yates & Dols (1999:xviii)
Eastern dialects:
North Catalan
Central Catalan
Balearic and Alguerese
Western dialects:
North-western
Valencian

The differences in the vocalic systems outlined above are the main criteria used to differentiate between the major dialects: Wheeler (2005) distinguishes two major dialect groups, Western dialects and Eastern ones; the latter of which only allow [i], [ə], and [u] to appear in unstressed syllables and include North Catalan, Central Catalan, Balearic, and Alguerese. Western dialects, which allow any vowel in unstressed syllables, include northern and western Catalan, and Valencian.

Historical development

As a Romance language, Catalan comes directly from Vulgar Latin. As such, it shares certain phonological changes from Latin with other Romance languages:[49]

See also

References

  1. ^ Hualde (1992:367)
  2. ^ For more information on dialectal variety, see Veny (1989) and Martí i Castell et al (1985).
  3. ^ Wheeler (2005:1)
  4. ^ Carbonell & Llisterri (1999:62)
  5. ^ Recasens, Daniel and Pallarès, Maria Dolores (2001). "Coarticulation, Assimilation and Blending in Catalan Consonant Clusters". Journal of Phonetics 29(3): 273–301. doi:10.1006/jpho.2001.0139. 
  6. ^ Wheeler (2005:10)
  7. ^ Hualde (1992:368)
  8. ^ Recasens & Espinosa (2005:1)
  9. ^ Carbonell & Llisterri (1992:55)
  10. ^ Recasens & Espinosa (2005:1)
  11. ^ Wheeler (2005:10)
  12. ^ Wheeler (2005:11-12)
  13. ^ Recasens & Espinoza (2007:144)
  14. ^ Hualde (1992:370)
  15. ^ Wheeler (2005:11-12)
  16. ^ Speakers may actually pronounce this as [puˈðe]
  17. ^ Recasens & Espinoza (2007:144)
  18. ^ Carbonell & Llisterri (1992:55)
  19. ^ Hualde (1992:370)
  20. ^ Recasens & Espinoza (2007:144)
  21. ^ Recasens & Espinoza (2007:148-149)
  22. ^ Wheeler (2005:12)
  23. ^ Carbonell & Llisterri (1992:53)
  24. ^ Wheeler (2005:13)
  25. ^ Wheeler (2002:81)
  26. ^ Rafel, J. (1981). La lengua catalana fronteriza en el Bajo Aragón meridional. Estudio fonológico. Barcelona: University of Barcelona. , cited in Recasens & Espinoza (2007:147)
  27. ^ Recasens & Espinoza (2007:147)
  28. ^ Carbonell & Llisterri (1992:55)
  29. ^ Recasens & Espinosa (2005:3)
  30. ^ Carbonell & Llisterri (1992:55)
  31. ^ Carbonell & Llisterri (1992:54-55)
  32. ^ Recasens & Espinosa (2005:1)
  33. ^ Carbonell & Llisterri (1992:54)
  34. ^ Carbonell & Llisterri (1999:62)
  35. ^ Mascaró (2002:580-581)
  36. ^ Mascaró (2002:581)
  37. ^ Recasens & Espinoza (2007:145)
  38. ^ Carbonell & Llisterri (1992:55)
  39. ^ Carbonell & Llisterri (1999:63)
  40. ^ Wheeler (2005:78)
  41. ^ Wheeler (2005:166)
  42. ^ Wheeler (2005:145)
  43. ^ Carbonell & Llisterri (1992:55)
  44. ^ Herrick (2002:70)
  45. ^ Mascaró & 1976 (53-55)
  46. ^ Herrick (2002:72)
  47. ^ Recasens, Daniel (1991). "An Electropalatographic and Acoustic Study of Consonant-to-Vowel Coarticulation". Journal of Phonetics 19: 267–280. 
  48. ^ Wheeler (2005:81)
  49. ^ Grandgent (1907:106-137)
  50. ^ Grandgent (1907:61-62)
  51. ^ Grandgent (1907:69, 105)
  52. ^ Grandgent (1907:71)
  53. ^ Grandgent (1907:72)
  54. ^ Grandgent (1907:72)
  55. ^ Grandgent (1907:99-102)

Bibliography

External links